The debate around China and the West in Africa is often framed as a moral or geopolitical contest, as if Africa were moving from one camp to another, or as if Chinese engagement were, by nature, more developmental than Western involvement ever was.
China didn’t arrive to change Africa’s system. It arrived knowing how to use it
China’s strategy in Africa is not built around institutional reform, governance transformation, or long-term state capacity.
It is built around securing materials, routes, and influence in a global economy where control over supply chains matters more than political alignment.
For that strategy, strong institutions are not essential. In many cases, they are inconvenient.
Weak regulatory systems, fragmented oversight, and limited industrial coordination make extraction faster, contracts more flexible, and the is responsibility easier to externalise.
When institutions cannot enforce local content, value-addition requirements, or long-term industrial sequencing, infrastructure becomes one more project but not one for transformation.
China is not Africa’s alternative to the West. It is the most disciplined player in a Western-designed system.
This does not mean China is uniquely predatory.
The West spent decades speaking the language of institutions and governance while often tolerating, and sometimes reinforcing, the same structural weaknesses through short-term security priorities, selective enforcement of standards, and trade regimes that kept Africa locked into raw-material exports and debt.
The difference is not moral. It is operational.
Western engagement became increasingly constrained by its own rules, domestic politics, and risk aversion.
China stepped into that space with high rapidity, money, and the capability to operate where systems are incomplete, not to fix them, but to work around them.
The result is a paradoxical even if many want to ignore it.
China benefits from Africa’s weak institutions not because it designed them, but because the current economic model in many African countries rewards access and fast money over transformation.
As long as African economies remain organised around extraction rather than production, external partners will adapt to that reality but will never change it. It is not their role.
This is why infrastructure alone has not delivered industrialisation, and why investment has not translated into economic sovereignty.
The real issue is not whether China or the West is better for Africa.
It is whether Africa continues to engage external powers through systems that make extraction easier than development, and whether it is willing to change the rules that make that possible.
Until then, no partner will “save” Africa.
Not because they are unwilling, but because the structure does not require them to.
